July 24, 2006
In the last few days, I learned from a credible and informed source that
a former senior Labour government minister, who continues to be well-connected
to British military and security officials, confirms that Britain and the
United States " . . . will go to war with Iran before the end of
the year."
As we now know from similar reporting prior to the invasion of Iraq,
it's quite possible that the war planning may indeed change repeatedly, and the
war may again be postponed. In any case, it's worth noting that the information
from a former Labour Minister corroborates expert analyses suggesting that
Israel, with US and British support, is deliberately escalating the cycle of
retaliation to legitimize the imminent targeting of Iran before year's end. Let
us remind ourselves, for instance, of US Vice President Cheney's assertions recorded
on MSNBC over a year ago. He described Iran
as being "right at the top of the list" of "rogue states".
He continued: "One of the concerns people have is that Israel might do it
without being asked . . . Given the fact that Iran has a stated policy that
their objective is the destruction of Israel, the Israelis might well decide to
act first, and let the rest of the world worry about cleaning up the diplomatic
mess afterwards."
But the emphasis on Israel's preeminent role in a prospective assault on
Iran is not accurate. Israel would rather play the role of a regional proxy
force in a US-led campaign. "Despite the deteriorating security situation
in Iraq, the Bush administration has not reconsidered its basic long-range policy
goal in the Middle East . . ." reports Seymour Hersh. He quotes a former
high-level US intelligence official as follows:
"This is a war against terrorism, and Iraq is just one campaign. The
Bush administration is looking at this as a huge war zone. Next, we’re going to
have the Iranian campaign. We’ve declared war and the bad guys, wherever they
are, are the enemy. This is the last hurrah—we’ve got four years, and want to
come out of this saying we won the war on terrorism."
Are these just the fanatical pipedreams of the neoconservative faction
currently occupying (literally) the White House?
Unfortunately, no. The Iraq War was one such fanatical pipedream in the
late 1990s, one that Bush administration officials were eagerly ruminating over
when they were actively and directly involved in the Project for a New American
Century. But that particular pipedream is now a terrible, gruelling reality for
the Iraqi people. Despite the glaring failures of US efforts in that country,
there appears to be a serious inability to recognize the futility of attempting
the same in Iran.
The Monterey Institute for International
Studies already showed nearly two years ago in a detailed analysis that the
likely consequences of a strike on Iran by the US, Israel, or both, would be a
regional conflagration that could quickly turn nuclear, and spiral out of
control. US and Israeli planners are no doubt aware of what could happen. Such
a catastrophe would have irreversible ramifications for the global political
economy. Energy security would be in tatters, precipitating the activation of
long-standing contingency plans to invade and occupy all the major
resource-rich areas of the Middle East and elsewhere (see my book, published by
Clairview, Behind the War on Terror, for references and discussion).
Such action could itself trigger responses from other major powers with
fundamental interests in maintaining their own access to regional energy
supplies, such as Russia and particularly China, which has huge interests in
Iran. Simultaneously, the dollar-economy would be seriously undermined, most
likely facing imminent collapse in the context of such crises.
Which raises pertinent questions about why Britain, the US and Israel
are contemplating such a scenario as a viable way of securing their interests.
A glimpse of an answer lies in the fact that the post-9/11 military
geostrategy of the "War on Terror" does not spring from a position of
power, but rather from entirely the opposite. The global system has been
crumbling under the weight of its own unsustainability for many years now, and
we are fast approaching the convergence of multiple crises that are already
interacting fatally as I write.
The peak of world oil production, of which the Bush administration is
well aware, either has already just happened, or is very close to happening. It
is a pivotal event that signals the end of the Oil Age, for all intents and
purposes, with escalating demand placing increasing pressure on dwindling
supplies. Half the world's oil reserves are, more or less, depleted, which
means that it will be technologically, geophysically, increasingly difficult to
extract conventional oil.
I had a chat last week with some scientists from the Omega Institute in
Brighton, directed by my colleague and friend Graham Ennis
(scroll down about to see Graham's letter published in The Independent), who
told me eloquently and powerfully what I already knew, that while a number of
climate "tipping-points" may or may not have yet been passed, we have
about 10-15 years before the "tipping-point" is breached certainly
and irreversibly. Breaching that point means plunging head-first into full-scale
"climate catastrophe". Amidst this looming Armageddon of Nature, the
dollar-denominated economy itself has been teetering on the edge of spiralling
collapse for the last seven years or more. This is not idle speculation. A
financial analyst as senior as Paul Volcker, Alan Greenspan's immediate
predecessor as chairman of the Federal Reserve, recently confessed "that
he thought there was a 75
percent chance of a currency crisis in the United States within five
years."
There appears to have been a cold calculation made at senior levels
within the Anglo-American policymaking establishment: that the system is dying,
but the last remaining viable means of sustaining it remains a fundamentally military
solution designed to reconfigure and rehabilitate the system to continue to
meet the requirements of the interlocking circuits of military-corporate power
and profit.
The highly respected US whistleblower, former RAND strategic analyst
Daniel Ellsberg, who was Special Assistant to Assistant Secretary of Defense
during the Vietnam conflict and became famous after leaking the Pentagon
Papers, has already warned
of his fears that in the event of "another 9/11 or a major war in the
Middle-East involving a U.S. attack on Iran, I have no doubt that there will
be, the day after or within days, an equivalent of a Reichstag fire decree that
will involve massive detentions in this country, detention camps for
Middle-Easterners and their quote 'sympathizers', critics of the president’s
policy and essentially the wiping-out of the Bill of Rights."
So is that what all the "emergency preparedness" legislation,
here in the UK as well as in the USA and in Europe, is all about? The US plans
are bad enough, as Ellsberg notes, but the plans UK scene is hardly better,
prompting The Guardian to describe the Civil Contingencies Bill (passed as an
Act in 2004) as "the greatest threat to civil liberty that any parliament
is ever likely to consider."
As global crises converge over the next few years, we the people are
faced with an unprecedented opportunity to use the growing awareness of the
inherent inhumanity and comprehensive destructiveness of the global imperial
system to establish new, viable, sustainable and humane ways of living.
Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed is the author of The London Bombings: An
Independent Inquiry (London: Duckworth, 2006). He teaches courses in
International Relations at the School of Social Sciences and Cultural Studies,
University of Sussex, Brighton, where he is doing his PhD studying imperialism
and genocide. Since 9/11, he has authored three other books revealing the
realpolitik behind the rhetoric of the "War on Terror", The War on
Freedom, Behind the War on Terror and The War on Truth.
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